Degrowth and steady-state agendas have been at the centre of ecological economics since the days of its inception. Degrowth can be defined as an equitable downscaling of aggregate throughput, with a simultaneous securing of wellbeing for all. But whereas in the past, degrowth scholarship has mainly focused on the “what” and “why” questions of social-ecological transformation, it has recently shifted its attention towards “how” questions, putting debates on strategy centre-stage. Following the 2020 degrowth conference in Vienna on “Strategies for Social-Ecological Transformation”, debates on strategy culminated in the book Degrowth & Strategy – a joint project of more than 40 degrowth scholars and an example of an articulation of a wide variety degrowth-strategy discourses.
Given that “ecological economists have paid little attention to politics and strategy” (D’Alisa & Kallis 2020, 8), this marks a considerable discursive shift that is indispensable for developing a theory of deep social-ecological transformation. That is: unless social-ecological economists and advocates of degrowth engage with issues of strategising, their ideas will not materialise. But what does it take for social-ecological transformation to happen? Drawing upon critical (historical materialist) political economy, Hubert Buch-Hansen (2018) identifies four prerequisites for degrowth to escape its political marginalisation, i.e., for a degrowth paradigm shift to take place: (i) a deep crisis, (ii) an alternative political project, (iii) a comprehensive coalition of social forces, and (iv) broad-based consent. The two latter prerequisites, he argues, are currently missing. Based on this analysis, published in Ecological Economics, this special session engages with the limits and possibilities of the degrowth movement to realise (iii) and (iv). Against this background, the session – focusing primarily on the Western context –pursues the following guiding questions: How to build strategic alliances beyond like-minded groups? What kind of vocabulary, narratives and policies have the potential to resonate with majority populations? How to mobilise mass publics for a degrowth transformation? What pathways have the potential to achieving broad-based consent, overcoming barriers, and defending such a project against backlash? And where does the degrowth movement currently hit its strategic wall?
The session consists of the following contributions: First, Ekaterina Chertkovskaya will introduce key insights on strategy based on her co-authored book Degrowth & Strategy, and share how her thinking on degrowth’s strategic wall has developed since the book came out. Second, based on a forthcoming paper in Ecological Economics, Richard Bärnthaler will problematise specific discursive practices in degrowth strategising that tend to undermine the creation of a comprehensive coalition of social forces (esp. a lack of critical problem-solving and compromise-making, both of which involve giving up certain demands) and the achievement of broad-based consent (esp. the movement’s focus on degrowth values). Building on Gramsci and going beyond Buch-Hansen’s analysis, he will further introduce a fifth prerequisite for a degrowth transformation, largely disavowed by the degrowth movement: the will to coerce and rule. Third, Inea Lehner will speak to how degrowth must embrace class politics to build strategic alliances beyond like-minded groups, particularly as pertains to the urban/rural divide in the United States and Europe, and to resonate with majority populations. Fourth, Charles Stevenson will outline a European transformation pathway centred on a revolutionary politics of radical abundance as a means of mobilising the mass publics necessary for overcoming barriers, and for defending such a project against backlash.
The session will last for 90 minutes, and each presentation will be 12 minutes, which leaves around 30-40 minutes for a joint discussion and Q&A at the end.